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Luther Had His Chance

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    It was inevitable that, sooner or later, the Protestant = Churches,=20 protesting against Roman autocracy, should seek to find out = about a=20 Church which had made such a protest from the earliest = times.

    Martin Luther's chief interest in the Eastern Question = lay in the=20 belief, which he shared with many of his evangelical = contemporaries,=20 and with many of the Greeks themselves before the fall of=20 Constantinople, that the end of the world was near and that = the=20 Grand Turk was Antichrist: though he had an alternative = candidate in=20 the person of the Pope ...

    Luther himself was a reactionary in temperament, = disliking the=20 spirit of the Renaissance. But his leading disciples were = children=20 of the Renaissance. The most distinguished of them, Philip=20 Melanchthon, had been professor of Greek at Wittenberg and = was=20 deeply interested in Hellenism. His interest extended to the = contemporary Greeks; and he thought that it would be = valuable to=20 establish a friendly understanding with the Greek = Church.1

    The difficulty was to find out how to make contact with = the=20 Greeks. The only European powers in diplomatic relations = with the=20 Ottoman Empire were Catholic: Venice, France, and the = Habsburg=20 dominions. It was, he thought, through Venice, with its = colony of=20 Greek scholars, its Greek possessions and its lack of = religious=20 intolerance that an approach could best be made, = particularly if a=20 Greek scholar could be found there who was in touch with the = East=20 and had not joined the Roman faith ...

    But rather more than a year earlier he had received at = Wittenberg=20 an elderly cleric from Montenegro called Demetrius, who came = with an=20 introduction from James Basilicus. Nothing is known of = Demetrius'=20 early history. He was already an old man when he met James = in=20 Moldavia in 1558. Demetrius made an excellent impression in = Lutheran=20 circles. Melanchthon liked him; and Nicholas Hemmingius = wrote in a=20 letter that he was an old man of exemplary piety and = admirable=20 morals, whose claim to be a deacon was undoubtedly genuine, = though=20 the Lutherans could not check up on this; he was certainly = full of=20 erudition about his Church. Here was a heaven-sent agent for = achieving the desired contact with Constantinople. In order = that the=20 Orthodox might be properly informed about the Reformed = religion, the=20 Confession of Augsburg, which summarized Lutheran belief, = was=20 hastily but ably translated into Greek by a learned = Hellenist, Paul=20 Dolscius of Plauen, and a copy was given to Demetrius to = deliver to=20 the Patriarch together with a personal letter from = Melanchthon,=20 which barely touched upon doctrine but suggested that the = Lutheran=20 and Greek Churches had much in common.2

    Demetrius left on his journey late in 1559. Melanchthon = died=20 before an answer could have easily been returned, but his=20 fellow-divines waited for many more months for news from=20 Constantinople. At last they decided that Demetrius could = not have=20 delivered the letter. In fact he arrived at Constantinople = at the=20 end of 1559 and was received by the Patriarch, but the = documents=20 that he brought embarrassed Joasaph and the Holy Synod. A = brief=20 glance at the Confession of Augsburg showed that much of its = doctrine was frankly heretical, but it would be undesirable = to spoil=20 relations with a potential friend. The Patriarch and his = advisers=20 took refuge in the favorite device of oriental diplomacy. = They=20 behaved as if they had never received the communication, = which they=20 carefully mislaid.3 Demetrius waited for two or three months = for a=20 reply to carry back to Wittenberg. When none was forthcoming = he did=20 not venture to return to Germany. He moved to Transylvania, = where he=20 spent three years trying to introduce Lutheranism into its = villages,=20 encouraged by James Basilicus. After James' fall he carried = on his=20 propaganda in the Slav dominions of the Habsburg Emperor. = The date=20 of his death is unknown.4

    The subsequent events in Moldavia must have confirmed = Joasaph in=20 his suspicion of the Lutherans. Some fifteen years later the = atmosphere improved. The Habsburg Emperors employed a number = of=20 Lutheran officials. In about 1570 an Imperial Ambassador = arrived at=20 Constantinople who was a Protestant, David von Ungnad; and = he=20 brought with him as chaplain an eminent Lutheran scholar, = Stephen=20 Gerlach, who was in close touch with the Lutheran = universities in=20 Germany. Gerlach soon made friends with the learned = Protonotary of=20 the Great Church, Theodore Zygomalas, who introduced him to = the=20 Patriarch Jeremias II, then in his first term of office. In = return=20 he put Zygomalas into touch with the leading professor of = Greek in=20 Germany, Martin Kraus, or Crusius, of Tubingen, a man = interested not=20 only in Classical Greek but also in the Greek world of his = time.=20 Through Zygomalas, Crucius entered into correspondence with = the=20 Patriarch Jeremias, whom he greatly admired.5

    When such friendships were established it was natural for = the=20 Lutherans to press again for closer ecclesiastical relations = with=20 the Greeks. In 1574 Ungnad was prompted by Gerlach to write = to=20 Germany to ask for fresh copies of the Confession of = Augsburg. In=20 reply six copies were sent out by Crusius and Jacob Andreae, = Chancellor of the University of Tubingen. One was to be = given to the=20 Patriarch, one to Zygomalas, one to Metrophanes, = Metropolitan of=20 Berrhoea, one to the scholar Gabriel Severus, and one to the = rich=20 layman, Michael Cantacuzenus, who had promised to have it = translated=20 into vernacular Greek. A copy translated into Georgian was=20 dispatched a little later, for transmission to the Orthodox = Church=20 of Georgia in the Caucasus. To the Patriarch's copy the = Lutheran=20 divines added a letter, in which they said that, though = because of=20 the distance between their countries there was some = difference in=20 their ceremonies, the Patriarch would acknowledge that they = had=20 introduced no innovation into the principal things necessary = for=20 salvation; and that they embraced and preserved, as far as = their=20 understanding went, the faith that had been taught to them = by the=20 Apostles, the Prophets and the Holy Fathers, and was = inspired by the=20 Holy Spirit, the Seven Councils and the Holy = Scriptures.6

    What the Georgians thought of the Confession of Augsburg, = if=20 their copy ever reached them, is unrecorded. To the Greeks = it was as=20 embarrassing as it had been fifteen years previously. = Cantacuzenus=20 did nothing about its translation into the vernacular. But = Jeremias=20 could not ignore the Confession as Joasaph had done. Von = Ungnad and=20 Gerlach were close at hand, pressing for an answer. After a = little=20 hesitation Jeremias wrote a polite letter of thanks to = Tubingnen,=20 promising to send a statement on doctrinal points a little = later.=20 These delaying tactics were in vain; Gerlach continued to = ask for=20 his views. At last, after consulting with the Holy Synod, = the=20 Patriarch, with the help of Zygomalas and his father, John, = composed=20 a full answer to the various points in the Confession. The = letter=20 was dated 15 May 1576.

    The Confession of Augsburg contains twenty-one articles. = Jeremias=20 replied to each in turn, stating wherein he agreed or = disagreed with=20 the doctrines contained in them. His comments are valuable, = as they=20 add up to a compendium of Orthodox theology at this = date.

    The first article states the Nicene Creed to be the basis = of the=20 true faith. The Patriarch naturally concurred, but pointed = out that=20 the Creed should be accepted in its correct form, omitting = the Dual=20 Procession of the Holy Ghost, an addition which, as he = explains at=20 length, was canonically illegal and doctrinally unsound.

    In the original Confession the second article proclaims = original=20 sin, the third is a summary of the Apostles' Creed and the = fourth=20 declares that man is justified by faith alone. In the Greek = version=20 the second and third articles change place; which is more = logical.=20 The Patriarch's second chapter therefore deals with the = Creed. While=20 approving of the Germans' summary he adds for their benefit = twelve=20 amplifying articles which, he says, contain the traditional = doctrine=20 of the Church. Three concern the Trinity, six the = Incarnation, the=20 Crucifixion and the Redemption, and three the life = hereafter. He=20 gives further glosses to these and appends a list of the = seven=20 cardinal virtues-he actually gives eight-and the seven = deadly=20 sins.

    On original sin, the Patriarch takes the opportunity of = pointing=20 out that baptism should be by triple immersion and not by = aspersion,=20 and should be followed by chrismation. The baptismal = practice of the=20 Latins is, he says, incorrect.

    In his fourth chapter, on justification by faith alone, = the=20 Patriarch points out, quoting Basil, that grace will not be = given to=20 those who do not live virtuous lives. He amplifies his views = in his=20 fifth and sixth chapters. In the Confession, the fifth = article says=20 that faith must be fed with the help of the Holy Scriptures = and the=20 Sacraments, and the sixth that faith must bear fruit in good = works,=20 though it repeats that good works alone will not bring = salvation.=20 Jeremias takes for granted the doctrine given in the fifth = article,=20 and uses the chapter to continue his previous argument. The = Sermon=20 on the Mount lists virtues that will bring salvation without = any=20 reference to faith. Faith without works is not true faith. = In the=20 sixth article he warns the Germans not to presume on grace = nor=20 despair of it. He makes it clear that he disapproves of = anything=20 that might suggest predestined election.

    The seventh article of the Confession declares that the = Church is=20 one and eternal, and the sign of its unity is that the = Gospel shall=20 be rightly taught and the Sacraments rightly administered. = So long=20 as this is fulfilled, differences in ritual and ceremonial = do not=20 impair its unity. Jeremias agrees; but he goes on to talk = about the=20 Sacraments. Suspecting that the Lutherans held baptism and = the=20 Eucharist to be the only Sacraments, he insists that there = are at=20 least seven Sacraments.

    Jeremias concurred with the eighth and ninth articles in = the=20 Confession. The former says that Sacraments do not lose = their=20 validity even when administered by evil priests. The latter=20 recommends infant baptism, so that the child may be at once=20 qualified to receive grace.

    The tenth article was more controversial. It says that = the body=20 and blood of Christ are truly present at the Lord's Supper = and are=20 distributed to those who participate in it; and those who = teach=20 otherwise are condemned. So far the Patriarch could agree. = But he=20 may have learned that the original German version of the = Confession=20 added the words "in the form of the bread and the wine," = words=20 omitted in the Latin and Greek versions. He asks for further = details, saying: "for we have heard of certain things about = your=20 views, of which it is impossible for us to approve." The = doctrine of=20 the Holy Church, he maintains, is that at the Lord's Supper = the=20 bread is changed into the very body of Christ and the wine = into His=20 very blood. He adds that the bread must be leavened, not = unleavened.=20 He points out that Christ did not say "This is bread," or = even "This=20 is the figure of my body," but "This is My body." It would = indeed be=20 blasphemy to say that the Lord gave to His disciples the = flesh that=20 He bore to eat or the blood in His veins to drink, or that = He=20 descends physically from heaven when the mysteries are = celebrated.=20 It is, he says, by the grace and invocation of the Holy = Spirit,=20 which operates and consummates the change, and by our sacred = prayers=20 and by the Lord's own words that the bread and wine are = transformed=20 and transmuted into the very flesh and blood of Christ.

    Jeremias is here making three points. In two of them he=20 considered that the Lutherans were following the errors of = the=20 Latins. The Greeks, faithful to the traditions of the early = Church,=20 had long disapproved of the Latin use of unleavened bread, = which=20 seemed to them to mar the symbolism of the Sacrament; for = the leaven=20 symbolizes the new dispensation. Then Jeremias touches = delicately on=20 the Epiklesis, the invocation of the Holy Ghost which to the = Greeks=20 completed the change in the elements. They could not condone = the=20 Latin omission of the Epiklesis. On the actual question of = the=20 change in the elements Jeremias is cautious. He avoids the = word=20 which is the exact Greek translation of = "transubstantiation." The=20 words that he uses do not necessarily imply material change. = He does=20 not explain the exact nature of the change, leaving it, = rather, as a=20 divine mystery. But the Lutheran view that though Christ's = body and=20 blood were present at the Sacrament there was no change in = the=20 elements seemed to him inadequate.

    The eleventh article of the Confession advocates the use = of=20 private confession, though it is not absolutely necessary; = nor can=20 one enumerate all one's petty sins. The Patriarch agrees but = thinks=20 that more should be said about the value of confession as = spiritual=20 medicine and as leading to true acts of penitence. It must = be=20 remembered that to him the act of penitence ranked as a=20 sacrament.

    The twelfth article teaches that sinners who have lapsed = from=20 grace can receive it again if they repent. It disavows both = the=20 Anabaptist view that the saved can never fall from grace and = the=20 Novatian view that the lapsed can never recover it. The = Patriarch=20 concurs but adds that repentance must be shown by works.

    The thirteenth article declares the Sacraments to be = proofs of=20 God's love for men and should be used to stimulate and = confirm=20 faith. This seems a little crude to Jeremias, who stresses = the need=20 for the Liturgy as providing the necessary framework for the = Sacraments, the whole divine drama which gives them their = spiritual=20 value.

    To the fourteenth, which states that only ordained = priests should=20 preach or administer the Sacraments, the Patriarch agrees, = so long=20 as the ordination has been correctly performed and the = hierarchy=20 canonically organized. He clearly doubted whether this was = the case=20 with the Lutheran Church.

    The fifteenth article pleased him less. It approves of = such rites=20 and festivals as are conducive to giving peace and order to = the=20 Church but denies that any of them are necessary for = salvation or=20 provide the means for acquiring grace. To the Greek Church, = with its=20 full calendar of feasts and fasts, such teaching was = distressing.=20 The Patriarch, quoting at length from the early Fathers, = emphasizes=20 that these holy days and the ceremonies attached to them are = lasting=20 reminders of the life of Christ on earth and of the witness = of the=20 saints. To deny them any spiritual value is narrow-minded = and=20 wrong.

    He concurs with the sixteenth article, which says that it = is not=20 contrary to the Gospel to obey civil magistrates or to = engage in=20 warfare if they should order it. He adds that one should = remember,=20 all the same, that obedience to the laws of God and to His = ministers=20 is a higher duty, and that no true Christian seeks for = worldly=20 power.

    He concurs also with the seventeenth article, which = foretells the=20 coming of Christ to judge the world and to reward the = faithful with=20 eternal life and punish the wicked with eternal torment. He = seems to=20 have been unperturbed by the implied denial of the doctrine = of=20 Purgatory.

    The eighteenth article deals with free will. The = Lutherans=20 maintained that, while a man may by the exercise of free = will lead a=20 good life, it will avail him nothing unless God gives him = grace.=20 This is too close to the doctrine of complete predestination = for the=20 Patriarch, who points out, with long quotations from John=20 Chrysostom, that only those freely willing to be saved can = be saved.=20 Good deeds conform with the grace of God, but that grace is=20 withdrawn concurrently with an evil deed.

    The nineteenth article, declaring that God is not the = cause of=20 evil in this world, is perfectly acceptable. The twentieth = returns=20 to the problem of faith and works, repeating that, though = good works=20 are necessary and indispensable, and it is a libel to say = that the=20 Lutherans ignore them, yet they cannot purchase the = remission of=20 sins without faith and its accompanying grace. The Patriarch = agrees=20 about the dual need for faith and works; but why, he asks, = if the=20 Lutherans really value good works, do they censure feasts = and fasts,=20 brotherhoods and monasteries? Are these not good deeds done = in honor=20 of God and in obedience to His commands? Is a fast not an = act of=20 self-discipline? Is not a monastic fraternity an expression = of=20 fellowship? Above all, is not the taking of monastic vows an = attempt=20 to carry out Christ's demand that we should rid ourselves of = our=20 worldly entanglements?

    The Patriarch was especially shocked by the twenty-first = and last=20 article, which says that, while congregations should be told = of the=20 lives of the saints as examples to be followed, it is = contrary to=20 the Scriptures to invoke the saints as mediators before God. = Jeremias, after citing the special powers given by Christ to = the=20 disciples, answers that true worship should indeed be given = to God=20 alone, but that the saints, and above all, the Mother of = God, who by=20 their holiness have been raised to heaven, may lawfully and=20 helpfully be invoked. We can ask the Mother of God, owing to = her=20 special relationship, to intercede for us and the archangels = and=20 angels to pray for us; and all the saints may be asked for = their=20 mediation. It is a sign of humility that we sinners should = be shy of=20 making a direct approach to God and should seek the = intervention of=20 mortal men and women who have earned salvation.

    Jeremias ended his letter with a supplementary chapter, = stressing=20 five points. First, he insists again that leavened bread = should be=20 used at the Eucharist. Secondly, while he approves of the = marriage=20 of secular clergy, the regular clergy should take vows of = celibacy=20 and should keep to them. Thirdly, he emphasized once more = the=20 importance of the Liturgy. Fourthly, he repeats that the = remission=20 of sin cannot be attained except through confession and the = act of=20 penitence, to which he attaches sacramental importance. = Finally, and=20 at great length, he gives arguments in support of the = institution of=20 monasteries and the taking of monastic vows. Many mortals, = he=20 admits, are unfitted to bind themselves to a life of = asceticism; and=20 if they lead good lives according to their abilities, they = too can=20 reach salvation. But it is, he thinks, a better thing to be = ready to=20 forswear the world and to devote one's life to the = disciplined=20 service of God; and for this end monasticism provides the = proper=20 means.

    His final paragraph is written in a mixture of humility = and=20 condescension. "And so, most learned Germans," he writes, = "most=20 beloved sons in Christ of Our Mediocrity, as you desire with = wisdom=20 and after great counsel and with your whole minds to join = yourselves=20 with us to what is the most holy Church of Christ, we, = speaking like=20 parents who love their children, gladly receive your charity = and=20 humanity into the bosom of our Mediocrity, if you are = willing to=20 follow with us the apostolic and synodical traditions and to = subject=20 yourselves to them. Then at last truly and sincerely one = house will=20 be built with us ... and so out of two Churches God's = benevolence=20 will make as it were one, and together we shall live until = we are=20 transferred to the heavenly fatherland."7

    his reply reached Germany in the summer of 1576. The = German=20 divines detected in it a certain lack of enthusiasm. Crusius = arranged a meeting with the theologian Lucius Osiander; and = together=20 they composed an answer in which the points to which the = Patriarch=20 seemed to object were elucidated and justified. They = confined=20 themselves to doctrines mentioned in the Confession of = Augsburg and=20 therefore did not touch on matters such as leavened bread, = the=20 Liturgy or even monasticism. They attempted to show that = their view=20 on justification by faith was not really so very different = from the=20 Patriarch's; and they repeated at some length the Lutheran = view=20 that, though Christ's flesh and blood were present at the = Lord's=20 Supper, there was no material change in the elements. They = made it=20 clear that they believed in only two Sacraments and that = they could=20 not admit the propriety of invoking the saints.

    Their letter was written in June 1577, but it probably = only=20 reached Constantinople in the course of the following year. = Once=20 again Jeremias tried to avoid sending an answer, but Gerlach = was=20 still in Constantinople, pressing for one. Gerlach left to = return to=20 Germany in the spring of 1579. In May, Jeremias sent off at = last a=20 further statement of his views. His tone was now a little = less=20 conciliatory. He pointed out clearly and at greater length = the=20 doctrines which the Orthodox Church could not accept. It = could not=20 admit the Dual Procession of the Holy Ghost. In spite of = what the=20 Lutherans claimed, their views on free will and on = justification by=20 faith were not Orthodox and were in the Patriarch's opinion = too=20 crude. While admitting that the Sacraments of baptism and = the=20 Eucharist ranked above the others, the Patriarch insisted = that there=20 were sacraments. He repeated that it was correct to invoke = the=20 saints and added that respect should be paid to holy images = and=20 relics.

    A committee of Lutheran divines, including Crusius, = Andreae,=20 Osiander and Gerlach, met at Wurttemberg to compose a = further reply,=20 which was dispatched in June 1580. Its tone was very = conciliatory.=20 When not yielding on any points, it tried to suggest that = the=20 doctrinal differences between the Churches on justification = by=20 faith, on free will and on the change in the elements at the = Lord's=20 Supper were only matters of terminology, and that other = differences=20 could perhaps be treated as differences in ritual and = usage.

    The Germans had to wait for an answer. Jeremias had been = deposed=20 in November 1579, and did not return to office till = September 1580.=20 Some months elapsed before he could settle down to compose = an=20 answer. It was eventually sent in the summer of 1581. He = briefly=20 recapitulated the points of disagreement, then begged for = the=20 correspondence to cease. "Go your own way," he wrote, "and = do not=20 send us further letters on doctrine but only letters written = for the=20 sake of friendship." In spite of this, the Lutheran = committee sent=20 one more letter, almost identical with their last. The = Patriarch did=20 not reply to it.

    Endnotes

    1. For Melanchthon's attitude towards the Greeks see E. = Benz,=20 Die Ostkirche im Lichte der Protestantischen=20 Geschichtsschreibung, pp. 17-20.

    2. Benz, Wittenberg und Byzanz, pp. 94ff., = giving the=20 text of Melanchthon's letter.

    3. Ibid. pp. 71-2: J. N. Karmiris, _______________, p. = 36.

    4. Benz, Wittenberg und Byzanz, pp. 73ff.

    5. For Ungnad and Gerlach see E. Benz, Die Ostkirche = im Licht=20 der Protestantischen Geschichtsschreibung, pp. 24-9. = Gerlach's=20 very discursive Tagebuch was not published until after his = death;=20 but Crusius in his Turco-Graecia frequently cites Gerlach as = the=20 sources of information. Jeremias II spoke no Western = European=20 language. When Phillippe Du Fresne visited him in 1573, = Theodore=20 Zygomalas and his father were present to act as = interpreters. P. du=20 Fresne Canaye, Voyage du Levant (ed. M. H. Hauser). pp. = 106-8.

    6. Benz, Wittenberg und Byzanz, pp. 94ff.

    7. It was this letter which gives Jeremias II's fullest = statement=20 on doctrine together with the Lutheran arguments that he was = answering, that the Jesuit Sokolowski published in 1582, = thus=20 obliging the Lutherans to publish the whole=20 correspondence.

    An Excerpt from Stephen Runciman's The = Great Church=20 in Captivity (New York: Cambridge University Press, = 1968). This=20 article was originally reprinted in Volume 3 of The = Christian=20 Activist (now defunct).

     
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